Estelle J. Townshend-Denton is a post-graduate student at the University of Waikato in New Zealand. She is currently working on a Phd on religion and foreign policy. Divergent Options’ content does not contain information of an official nature nor does the content represent the official position of any government, any organization, or any group.
Title: The Impact of Extremists in Civil War: Syria’s Shabbiha
Date Originally Written: December 9, 2017.
Date Originally Published: February 12, 2018.
Summary: Violent extremists frequently emerge when state authority breaks down within civil wars. Escalatory dynamics are particularly hard to avoid when extremist groups emerge that are embedded in the existing social framework of their identity group. In Syria the Shabbiha has grown from a trans-border criminal network to sectarian militias fighting for the regime. The Shabbiha are a significant impediment to the resolution of the Syrian civil war.
Text: Extremist groups in Syria such as the Shabbiha often emerge from existing social phenomenon. For instance, prior to the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, the Shabbiha were Allawite smugglers and racketeers that primarily operated out of the Allawite heartland in coastal Latakia. Given the poverty of the Allawite community opportunities were scarce, and Allawite young men saw a way to purchase highly sought after, but banned, Western items in Lebanon, and smuggle them back across the border into Syria. This smuggling was largely overlooked by Bashar al-Assad’s regime in return for Shabihha loyalty to the Assads.
In order to understand the Shabbiha, their place in Syrian society, and their role within the civil war, it is necessary to look into the history of the Allawite sect to which they belong. The Allawites are a Shia sect whose religion incorporates aspects of Islam, Christianity, Paganism and Zoroastrianism. The Allawites have been persecuted and marginalised throughout their history. A Syrian analyst concluded that this persecution has become built into the Allawite identity. As a result Allawites are highly security conscious.
The embattled Assad regime is primarily, but not exclusively, Allawite. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War 1 provided an opportunity for the Allawites to climb out of their position at the bottom most rung of Syrian society to control the state and it’s military. The Ottoman territory had been divided up between the French and the British. The French received the mandate for the territory that was to become the state of Syria. The ruling elite in Syria had been Sunni and they were resistant to French rule. In order to subdue the Sunni resistors, the French employed a strategy of divide and rule. Thus the French created a military that consisted of minorities, including the Allawites. Soon, joining the military emerged as the key means for Allawites to climb up the social and economic ladder, and over time they came to dominate the officer class. Eventually the military emerged as what Horowitz identifies as a “significant symbol of ethnic domination.” Later, Druze and Allawite military leaders staged a coup which ultimately led to the Allawite dominated Assad regime.
Syria was relatively stable under the Assads until the “Arab Spring” of 2011, when the protests sweeping the region spread to Syria. The regimes of Tunisia and Egypt had already toppled, and most of the world predicted that the Syrian regime would be next. However, unlike the Tunisian officer class which contributed to the toppling of the Tunisian Government, the Syrian military leadership was heavily invested in the Assad regime. Furthermore the Assad regime took a lesson from the Egyptian experience and dealt decisively with the protests. As such, the Assads used the military against the protesters, working to turn the peaceful protests into an armed rebellion. The regime then developed a narrative that denied the unrest was part of the “Arab Spring” but alternatively asserted it was spawned by external actors and led by Islamist extremists.
Soon the Assad regime faced another problem. Whilst the Syrian army’s officer class was mostly Allawite, the rank and file was predominantly Sunni. Sunni were more reluctant to fire on what was emerging as a largely Sunni protest movement. The regime had Allawite crack units, but they needed to expand the loyal Allawite base of their military capacity through encouraging Allawite civilian participation in the fighting. One of the ways the Assad regime did this was through the Shabbiha, whose networks were developed and expanded into civilian militias who fought for the Assad regime. Since then, the links between the Assads and the Shabbiha have become increasingly apparent. The European Union imposed sanctions in 2011 on two of Bashar al Assad’s cousins, Fawwar and Munzir, for their involvement in the “repression against the civilian population as members of the Shabbiha.” According to a relation of the President’s cousin Rami Makhlouf, the expansion of the Shabbiha from a regime linked Allawite criminal network into an extremist paramilitary force loyal to the regime, doing the regime’s dirty work within the civil war, was planned by Makhlouf and the President’s brother Maher al Assad. The presence or absence of gangs of violent fanatics such as the Shabbiha is described by Ethnic Conflict and International Relations theorist Barry Posen as “a key determinant of the ability of groups to avoid war as central political authority erodes.” Thus the Shabbiha were a significant escalatory dynamic within the Syrian civil war.
Rhetoric from the Shabbiha accessed via the internet is sectarian, brutal, and very loyal to Bashar al Assad with mottos like “Bashar, don’t to be sad: you have men who drink blood.” With a corresponding brutality and sectarianism emerging amongst Sunni Islamist fanatics within the rebellion, the violence and rhetoric of extremists on both sides escalated the civil war. This brutality and sectarianism worked to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy as protectors of Syria’s minority religious groups against repression from the Sunni majority. The regime’s reliance on extremist sectarian militias such as the Shabbiha to support the security forces was not only responding to sectarian tension within the unrest but also heightening it.
Posen identified that extremists on both sides escalate retaliatory violence and drive up insecurity. He stated that fanatics “produce disproportionate political results among the opposing group – magnifying initial fears by confirming them….the rapid emergence of organized bands of particularly violent individuals is a sure sign of trouble.” The initial fears resulting from the historical persecution of Allawites under Sunni elites, coupled with fears of revenge on the sect as a whole for the violence of both the Shabbiha and the regime within the civil war, has mobilised the sect in defense of the Assad regime. What began as a grass-roots protest movement for the removal of the autocratic regime has escalated into a sectarian driven civil war intensified by the violent acts of both the Shabbiha and the Sunni Islamist extremists, to the advantage of the Assads.
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